“Considering the multiple and pressing challenges the United Nations faces today, what is the proper role of the Secretary-General as top international public servant? Discuss the required qualities and discipline of a Secretary-General in view of the practices and achievements of the successive Secretary-Generals.”
TWO years ago, i participated in a essay contest, be share my views within you. leave a comment for improvement.
32nd Eisaku Sato Essay Contest Page
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32nd
Eisaku Sato Essay Contest
“Considering the multiple and pressing
challenges the United Nations faces today, what is the
proper role of the
Secretary-General as top international public servant?
Discuss the required qualities and discipline of a Secretary-General
in view of
the practices and achievements of the
successive Secretary-Generals.”
Name- Sachin Kumar
Affiliation-Adarsh Vikas Vidyalaya
Age- 15 Years
Gender- Male
Nationality- Indian
Note On How I Learned About Contest- By the Medium of Internet (unu.edu)
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ABSTRACT
Today united
nation suffers from multiple and pressing challenges on the ground of outdated
structure, unwidely organization, increasing demands, unreliable funding,
political horse- trading. So, the need of the hour is to across these obstacles
for the formation of a welfare and peace world. There is a very important role
of secretary general for solving this difficult task. The secretary general as
top international public servant devotes himself, heart and soul to the service
of the public in the accordance with the laws of land and works for the
futherence of the policies laid down by the government as by law established.
Administrative impartiality, commitment to work, devotion to duty, and respect
for the rule of law are the some good quality that must have inside him. If
secretary general possess preseverance, intelligence, and character, then he
can become a successive secretary general. I think It is
neither the wheel of fortune nor some gust of divine favour that takes men to
the top. It is the faithful and intelligent performance of what they regard as
the duties of the life that has given him name and fame and greatness. This has
been the secret to him success. In every age and in every stage, an honest,
intelligent and faithful performance of duty has been the high road to glory.
Not in enjoyment, not in luxury, not in wealth and power, but in the
performance of duty alone lies the secret of glory. The present generation lives under the
international system based on the belief in the world unity, which will
eventually enable the world to organize its affairs from the viewpoint of
international peace. This is an important achievement of the twentieth century.
The United Nations is endeavouring to prove this fact. The United Nations,
which is a symbol of this world system, is an institution which works
splendidly to make the world system a success and to keep on improving upon it
to the ultimate goal of world unity. so, the secretary general tries to giving
his best for continuity of this.
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CONTENTS
Coversheet………………………………………..………………………1
Abstract…………………………………………………………………….2
Contents…………………………………….……………………………..3
1. Overview
history…………………………….…………………….5
1.1
Background……………………………...……….……………….5
1.2
Membership……………………………………………………….6
2. Secretary
General………………………………………………...6
2.1Role of Secretary General…………………..……………….6
2.2Residence of Secretary General……………..……….….7
2.3Responsibilties of secretary general……………………7
3. Worldwide
Challenges……………………………….…………8
3.1Peacekeeping and conflict prevention…………………8
3.2R2P
and Military intervention…………………….……..…8
3.3Veto
self denial…………………………………………….……...9
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3.4Cooperative
Security and National Interest……….…9
3.5Council
Structure……………………………………………….10
4. All
Secretary General and their achievements…....10
4.1Future Focus of UN Secretary General……….......13
5.
Required Qualities of a success secretary general…………………………………………………………………...13
5.1Practical Intelligence………………………………………...13
5.2Information………………………………………….…………..13
5.3Thinking time………………………………………….…………14
5.4Friends……………………………………………………..……….14
5.5Moral Courage………………………………………………...15
5.6Resilience…………………………………………………………15
5.7Single Seven Year Term……………………………………16
6.
Emerging Global Order………………………………………16
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7. One
World………………………………………………………….17
8.
Solution of Challenges…………………………………………20
9. Conclusion……………………………………………..……………22
References………………………………………………..……………23
Bibliography………………………………………………..……….…24
1. OVERVIEW
HISTORY
The United Nations (UN)
is an intergovernmental organization
to promote international co-operation. A replacement for the ineffective League of Nations, the organization was established on 24 October 1945 after World War II
in order to prevent another such
conflict Its objectives include maintaining international peace and security,
promoting human rights, fostering social and economic development, protecting
the environment, and providing humanitarian aid in cases of famine, natural
disaster, and armed conflict.
1.1Background
In the century prior to the UN's
creation, several international treaty organizations and conferences had been
formed to regulate conflicts between nations, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907.[1]
Following the catastrophic loss of life in the First World War,
the Paris
Peace Conference established the League of Nations to maintain harmony between countries.[2]
This organization resolved some territorial disputes and created international
structures for areas such as postal mail, aviation, and opium control, some of
which would later be absorbed into the UN.[3]
However, the League lacked representation for colonial peoples (then half the
world's population) and significant participation from several major powers,
including the US, USSR, Germany, and Japan; it failed to act against the Japanese invasion of Manchuria
in 1931, the Second
Italo-Ethiopian War in 1935, the Japanese
invasion of China in 1937, and German
expansions under Adolf
Hitler that culminated in the Second World War.[4]
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1.2Membership
The UN Charter outlines the rules for
membership:
Membership in the United Nations is
open to all other peace-loving states that accept the obligations contained in
the present Charter and, in the judgment of the Organization, are able and
willing to carry out these obligations.
1.
The admission of any
such state to membership in the United Nations will be effected by a decision
of the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council.
Chapter II, Article 4[5]
2.
The admission of any
such state to membership in the United Nations will be effected by a decision
of the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council.
Chapter II, Article[6]
2. SECRETARY GENERAL
The Secretary-General of the United
Nations (UNSG) is the head of the United
Nations Secretariat, one of the
principal organs of the United Nations.
The Secretary-General also acts as the de facto
spokesperson and leader of the United Nations. Each Secretary-General also defines and adapts the role to
meet the challenges and opportunities of a particular time in office.
2.1Role of Secretary General
The Secretary-General was envisioned by
U.S. President Franklin
D. Roosevelt as a "world
moderator", but the vague definition provided by the UN Charter[6]
left much room for interpretation by those who would later inhabit the
position. According to the UN website, their roles are further defined as
"diplomat and advocate, civil servant,
and CEO".[7]
Nevertheless, this more abstract description has not prevented the office
holders from speaking out and playing important roles on global issues to
various degrees.[8]
Article 97 under Chapter XV of the UN Charter states that the Secretary-General shall be the "chief
administrative officer" of the Organization, but does not dictate their
specific obligations.
Responsibilities of the
Secretary-General are further outlined in Articles 98 through 100, which
states that they shall act as the officer "in all meetings of the General Assembly,
of the Security Council,
of the Economic and Social Council
and the Trusteeship Council,
and shall perform other functions as are entrusted to him by these
organs". They are responsible, according to Article 99, for making an
annual report to the General Assembly as well as notifying the Security Council
on matters which "in their opinion may threaten the maintenance of
international peace and security". Other than these few guidelines, little
else is dictated by the Charter. Interpretation of the Charter has varied
between Secretaries-General, with some being much more active than others.
The Secretary-General is highly
dependent upon the support of the member states of the UN. "The Secretary-General
would fail if they did not take careful account of the concerns of Member
States, but they must also uphold the values and moral authority of the United
Nations, and speak and act for peace, even at the risk, from time to time, of
challenging or disagreeing with those same Member States."[7]
"The personal skills of the
Secretary-General and their staff are crucial to their function. The central
position of the UN headquarters in the international diplomatic network is also
an important asset. The Secretary-General has the right to place any dispute on
the provisional agenda of the Security Council. However, they
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work mostly behind the scenes if the
members of the council are unwilling to discuss a dispute. Most of their time
is spent on good offices missions and mediation, sometimes at the request of
deliberative organs of the UN, but also frequently on their own initiative.
Their function may be replaced or supplemented by mediation efforts by the
major powers. UN peacekeeping missions are often closely linked to mediation
(peacemaking). The recent improvement in relations between the permanent members of the Security Council (P5) has strengthened the role of the Secretary-General as
the world's most reputable intermediary."[9]
2.2Residence of Secretary General
The official residence of the
Secretary-General is a townhouse in Sutton
Place, Manhattan, in New York City,
United
States. The townhouse was built for Anne
Morgan in 1921, and donated to the United
Nations in 1972.[10]
2.3What are the main
responsibilities of the secretary-general?
- Administrative. The secretary-general oversees the UN Secretariat, which handles UN operations, including research, translation, and media relations. The Secretariat--the UN's executive office--has a staff of close to nine thousand people from about 170 different countries. Each secretary-general has handled his administrative responsibilities differently. Hammerskjöld established a system of offices in charge of legal, political, personnel, and budgetary aspects of the secretariat. Boutros Boutros-Ghali streamlined the system by adding under-secretaries-general to oversee operations and report back. During Annan's administration, the deputy secretary-general position was created to handle day-to-day operations. This book, published by the International Peace Institute, chronicles the evolution of the secretariat.
- Human Resources. The hiring of under-secretaries for approximately fifty UN posts, including the heads of funds such as UNICEF and UNDP, falls under the purview of the secretary-general. An important aspect of the hiring process involves lobbying from members to fill posts with their nationals, highlighting the secretary-general's role of negotiating with the Security Council and General Assembly to ensure broad regional representation.
- Peacekeeping. The secretary-general's office shoulders responsibility for overseeing peacekeeping missions and appoints the under-secretary in charge of that department, involving some sixteen operations worldwide as of September 2008. Although the General Assembly or Security Council may initiate a peacekeeping mission, operational control rests with the Secretariat.
- Mediation. This function involves the secretary-general's role as a mediator between parties in conflict. As part of his "good offices" role the secretary-general makes use of his independence and impartiality as the head of a global organization to prevent and stop the spread of conflict. Examples of UN leaders taking on mediation roles in the past include Hammarskjöld's promotion of an armistice between Israel and Arab states and Javier Perez de Cuellar's negotiation of a ceasefire to end the Iraq-Iran War.
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3.
WORLDWIDE CHALLENGES
3.1 Peacekeeping and Conflict Prevention
We have more
peacekeepers on the ground, in more places, and in more complex conflicts, than
ever before, and are asking them to do more than ever more – not least to
routinely, not totally exceptionally as in the past, to forcibly protect
civilians at risk of violent harm. Yet – largely due to foot-dragging by states
in the global North, possessing many of the world’s most capable militaries –
their numbers remain in desperately short supply, and we are not giving
them anything like the equipment, logistic support, training and in some cases
the leadership they need.The Council is now, much more than in the past – and
certainly than the blue book – giving peacekeepers the formal mandates they
must have. But they are not getting anything like the resources they need, and
the whole system hovers perpetually on the brink of breakdown. The Horta panel
is going to have to, like the Brahimi panel fifteen years ago, make
recommendations which are tough and far-reaching, and this Council’s
credibility will
significantly
depend on its commitment to following them through. One good way to demonstrate
that commitment would be for the Council to lead by example, with every one
ofits members with the capacity to do so, and to the extent they are not doing
so already, contributing significant personnel and other resources to
peacekeeping operations.
As to
conflict and crisis prevention, the Council’s rhetoric has been fine, but more
attention needs to be devoted to matching it with better formal process, in
particular improved early-warning and briefing mechanisms. Anticipating and
responding to major human-rights violations – which are so often the precursors
to full-scale conflict – should be thought of as just as much core Council
business as peacekeeping, and frankly acknowledged as such in a way that has
not yet been the case. The Secretary-General’s Rights Up Front Action
Plan has much worthwhile to say about mainstreaming and improving management of
human rights issues within the Secretariat, but conspicuously lacks any
reference to ensuring engagement with the Security Council in that respect.
3.2 R2P and Military Intervention
Moving to my
second theme, going to the most extreme human rights violations, involving mass
atrocity crimes, it is hugely important for the Council’s credibility that it
find a way, sooner rather than later, of burying the paralysing differences
over the question of coercive military intervention under Pillar Three of the
Responsibility to Protect norm which have afflicted it since the dispute arose
over the implementation of the mandate to forcibly intervene in Libya in 2011.
True, the
problem only exists with the hardest of R2P cases, involving clear-cut
genocide, other crimes against humanity or major war crimes, and where the
prospect of achieving effective civilian protection by other means is so slight
as to prima facie raise the question of coercive military intervention.
Elsewhere, R2P principles – Pillar One, Pillar Two, and to some extent the
non-military dimensions of Pillar Three, are alive and well, and being applied.
But the coercive military cases are the talismanic ones, and we have to get
them right if we are not to re-live Rwanda, Srebrenica and the other horrors of
the 1990s and earlier years.As to the question whether in Libya in 2011 the
UNSCR 1973 civilian protection mandate did or did not justify the regime change
mission that was, in the event, pursued by the NATO-led forces, both the P3 and
the BRICS have put strong opposing arguments.
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The way
forward in this respect was shown by Brazil three years ago when it introduced
into the debate the idea of supplementing R2P, not replacing it, with a
complementary set of principles and procedures which it labelled
“responsibility while protecting” or “RWP”. Reduced to its essentials, there
were two core elements of the RWP proposal. First, that before the Security
Council mandated any use of military force there should be explicit and
systematic debate of the applicability to the situation of the set of
prudential criteria – including last resort, proportionality and balance of
consequences – which were initially mapped by the International Commission on
Intervention and State Sovereignty which I co-chaired in 2001, and which
although not formally adopted by the General Assembly or the Council, have been
part of the general currency of international debate since. And second, that
there should be some kind of enhanced monitoring and review processes – maybe
in the form of a sunset clause for such resolutions, but it could be much less
formal – which would enable such mandates to be seriously debated by all
Council members during their implementation phase, with a view to ensuring so
far as possible that consensus is maintained throughout the course of an
operation.
While this
proposal has so far met some resistance, it is clear that some ground is going
to have to be given if un-vetoed majority votes are ever again going to be
possible in the Council in support of Chapter VII-based interventions in extreme
cases. There were some encouraging signs last year that our Chinese and Russian
colleagues may be may be interested in pursuing further the idea of RWP or
“Responsible Protection”: meetings of specialists to discuss the future of R2P,
which addressed these and related themes, were sponsored last October in
Beijing by the China Institute of International Studies, which I attended, and
in Moscow by the Diplomatic Academy, attended by my colleague from the Global
Centre on R2P.
The
atmosphere might not be totally optimal right now for taking these thoughts
further, but I hope they will be revisited by the new Council. I don’t think
anyone really wants to drift back to the bad old days when either these
assaults on our common humanity were either seen as nobody else’s business, or
when, in really extreme cases, necessary military action to stop them could
only be taken in defiance of the UN Charter.
3.3 Veto Self-Denial.
Third, also
on the subject of mass atrocity crimes, I hope the Council responds positively
to the transformative change that has been proposed by France in relation to
the veto, whereby the permanent members would voluntarily forswear using it in
cases of mass-atrocity crimes certified as such by the Secretary-General or by
some other acceptable process, at least where no vital national interests are
claimed to be at stake – with all of this embodied at least in a P5 “statement
of principles” if not a more formal code of conduct.
3.4 Cooperative Security and National
Interest
We are all
used to thinking of national interests as just the traditional duo of
geopolitical, strategic and security interests on the one hand and economic
interests on the other. But I have long argued that every state has a third national
interest which deserves to be ranked right up there alongside the other two,
i.e. its interest in being, and being seen to be, a good international citizen.
The argument is that “purposes beyond ourselves”– be they concerns about
poverty alleviation, or environmental problems, or nuclear arms control, or
faraway human rights atrocities or other issues which seem to have no immediate
security or economic consequences for a particular country – are really at the
heart of that country’s core national interests, rather than being some kind of
boy-scout-good-deeds afterthought to the real business of state.
In short,
the idea of good international citizenship as a national interest squares the
circle between realists and idealists by making the point that idealism can in
fact be realistic.
I think we
have seen that in the way the Brundtland Commission’s coinage of the term
“sustainable development” built new bridges between environmentalists and
developers, and the replacement of the language of “the right to
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intervene”
with the “responsibility to protect” helped break us out of the consensus-free
zone of the 1990s. If we can get away from the traditional mindset that
international relations inexorably involves a contest of narrowly defined
national interests, and accept rather – and talk much more often than we do in
these terms
– that, across the whole range of global public goods issues with which the
Security Council and other intergovernmental institutions deal, advancing the
collective interest is
itself
a category of national interest, I think we will have a much more consistently
productive decision-making process, both here and in capitals, and that will be
very good for the long-term health of the Council.
3.5 Council Structure
Fifth and finally, although I know this is probably the toughest
issue of all, I don’t think the Council can ignore forever the question of its
own composition. We all know the issues here, and the various possible options,
because we have been debating them now – fruitlessly – for two decades. The
major players in the world of the 21st century just
do not have any kind of guaranteed seat at this top table. All efforts to
change the structure of the Council have ground to a halt, even the extremely
modest one to lift the limit on non-permanent members being immediately
re-elected after serving a two-year term, so as to make possible continuous
engagement – if not formal permanent membership – by the new major powers
Leaving
aside the inevitable disagreements about who are the states in each region
whose influence and sense of responsibility is such that they deserve some more
privileged role in the Council, we have to acknowledge that there may well be
some force in the arguments that a bigger and differently constituted Council will
be harder to manage and find it even harder to reach consensus on the tough
issues than has been the case with the present one. But in international as in
domestic politics, nothing ultimately trumps legitimacy. And the hard truth
that has to be faced up to is that across most of the world of today the
presently structured Council just does not have the representative legitimacy
it needs to have if its survival in the long term is to be guaranteed. Changing
that structure is not the most urgent task, but it remains one of the most
important. My perception, for what it’s worth, is that if the Council continues
to look the way it does, it is only a matter of time – maybe another fifteen
years at best – before its credibility and authority will diminish to dangerous
levels in the eyes of most of the world.
I am
conscious that some of you here will think that I have rather exaggerated the
extent to which the Security Council’s credibility, legitimacy and ultimately
authority is really at risk: surely, for all the bumps along the way, we’ll
just go on going on. All I can say in my defence is that I have been around
long enough to have seen a number of extraordinary things happen almost
overnight in international relations which, while they may not have been unpredictable,
were certainly universally unpredicted to happen when and how they did.
In this week commemorating the breaking open of the Berlin Wall, do we need any
other reminders of just how mercurially the forces of history can flow?
I simply
don’t think it is wise for any Council member to assume that, as presently
structured and managed, its legitimacy, credibility and authority is destined
to continue indefinitely. The tipping point might still be decades away, but it
might also be much sooner: nobody can possibly predict. For all its supreme
international authority, this is an institution whose foundations are a little
more fragile than they seem. No institution has ever lost ground by
anticipating the forces of change, and working to accommodate them before being
absolutely compelled to do so. I think you would be very wise to get started
now.[11]
4. List of Secretaries-General and their achievements
№
|
Portrait
|
Secretary-General
(Born-Died) |
Dates
in office
|
Country
of origin
|
UN
Regional Group
|
Reason
of withdrawal
|
Ref.
|
–
|
24 October 1945 –
1 February 1946 |
Western European & Others
|
|||||
After World War II,
he served as Executive Secretary of the Preparatory Commission of the United
Nations in August 1945, being appointed Acting United Nations Secretary-General
from October 1945 to February 1946 until the appointment of the first
Secretary-General, Trygve Lie.
|
|||||||
1
|
2 February 1946 –
10 November 1952 |
Western European & Others
|
Resigned.
|
||||
Lie, a foreign minister and former
labour leader, was recommended by the Soviet Union to fill the post. After
the UN involvement in the Korean War,
the Soviet Union vetoed Lie's reappointment in 1951. The United States
circumvented the Soviet Union's veto and recommended reappointment directly
to the General Assembly. Lie was reappointed by a vote of 46 to 5, with eight
abstentions. The Soviet Union remained hostile to Lie, and he resigned in
1952.[14]
|
|||||||
2
|
10 April 1953 –
18 September 1961 |
Western European & Others
|
Died in a plane crash in Northern
Rhodesia (now Zambia),
while on a peacekeeping mission to the Congo.
|
||||
After a series of candidates were
vetoed, Hammarskjöld emerged as an option that was acceptable to the Security
Council. Hammarskjöld was re-elected unanimously to a second
term in 1957. The Soviet Union was
angered by Hammarskjöld's leadership of the UN during the Congo Crisis,
and suggested that the position of Secretary-General be replaced by a troika,
or three-man executive. Facing great opposition from the Western nations, the
Soviet Union gave up on its suggestion. Hammarskjöld was killed in a plane
crash in Northern
Rhodesia (now Zambia)
in 1961.[14]
U.S. President John F. Kennedy called Hammarskjöld "the greatest statesman of our
century".[16]
|
|||||||
3
|
30 November 1961 –
31 December 1971 |
Asia-Pacific
|
Declined to stand for a third election.
|
||||
In the process of replacing
Hammarskjöld, the developing world insisted on a non-European and
non-American Secretary General. U Thant was nominated. However, due to
opposition from the French (Thant had chaired a committee on Algerian independence)
and the Arabs (Burma supported Israel),
Thant was only appointed for the remainder of Hammarskjöld's term. Thant was
the first Asian Secretary-General. The following year, on 30 November, Thant
was unanimously re-elected to a new term ending on 3 November 1966. He was
re-elected on 2 December 1966, finally for a full 5-year term, which would
end on 31 December 1971. Thant did not seek a third election.[14]
|
|||||||
4
|
1 January 1972 –
31 December 1981 |
Western European & Others
|
China vetoed his third term.
|
||||
Waldheim launched a discreet but
effective campaign to become the Secretary-General. Despite initial vetoes
from China and the United Kingdom, in the third round, Waldheim was selected
to become the new Secretary-General. In 1976, China initially blocked Waldheim's
re-election, but it relented on the second ballot. In 1981, Waldheim's
re-election for a third term was blocked by China, which vetoed his selection
through 15 rounds. In the mid-1980s, it was revealed that a post-World
War II UN War Crimes Commission
had labeled Waldheim as a suspected war criminal –
based on his involvement with the army of
Nazi Germany. The files had
been stored in the UN archive.[14]
|
|||||||
5
|
1 January 1982 –
31 December 1991 |
Latin American & Caribbean
|
Did not stand for a third term.
|
||||
Pérez de Cuéllar was selected after a
five-week deadlock between the re-election of Waldheim and China's candidate,
Salim
Ahmed Salim of Tanzania.
Pérez de Cuéllar, a Peruvian diplomat, was a compromise candidate, and became
the first Secretary-General from the Americas. He was re-elected unanimously
in 1986.[14]
|
|||||||
6
|
1 January 1992 –
31 December 1996 |
African & Arab
|
The United States vetoed his second
term.
|
||||
The 102-member Non-Aligned
Movement insisted that the
next Secretary-General come from Africa. With a majority in the General
Assembly and the support of China, the Non-Aligned Movement had the votes
necessary to block any unfavourable candidate. The Security Council conducted
five anonymous straw
polls—a first for the council—and
Boutros-Ghali emerged with 11 votes on the fifth round. In 1996, the United
States vetoed the re-appointment of Boutros-Ghali, claiming he had failed in
implementing necessary reforms to the UN.[14]
|
|||||||
7
|
1 January 1997 –
31 December 2006 |
African
|
Retired after two full terms.
|
||||
8
|
1 January 2007 –
present |
Asia-Pacific
|
Incumbent.
|
||||
Ban became the first East Asian
to be selected as the Secretary-General. He was unanimously elected to a
second term by the General Assembly on 21 June 2011. His second term began on
1 January 2012.[26]
Prior to his selection, he was the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Korea from January 2004 to November 2006. He is expected to
step down as Secretary-General on 31 December 2016 when his second term ends.
|
|||||||
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4.1
future focus of the UN secretary-general
The most pressing issues for the world
community, whether human trafficking or civil wars, will continue to play a
role. Emphasizing the link between climate change and conflict has been Ban's
top priority since he took office. Ban has stressed that the Darfur conflict
began as an ecological crisis in an effort to encourage countries to combat
global warming in the interest of security. Like Annan, Ban has also made
reform of the UN management structure a priority. "Just about everything
we do hinges on sound management of the limited resources entrusted to
us," he said in a speech to the General
Assembly in April 2008. Nonproliferation,
Annan's Millennium Development Goals, and human rights are also included on the
secretary-general's hefty agenda, though he leaves the implementation of these
programs up to agencies such as the UN Development Program and the UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights. Each secretary-general interprets the role
differently, however. Discussing the organization's future, former CFR Senior Fellow Lee Feinstein put it as follows:
"A secretary-general is like a Supreme Court justice--you never know what
you're going to get."
5. Required Qualities
of a Success Secretary General
5.1 Practical intelligence
Practical
intelligence is not the same, I think we would all acknowledge, as academic
intelligence. Being able to engage, for example, in intelligent and
sophisticated debate about the differences between functionalism and
constructivism — which is something that I for one have never been able to
manage — is not what the practical conduct of international relations is all
about.
But it also means a lot more than being able to read in meetings from the right
prompt cards. And it means, in Isaiah Berlin’s terms, being more a fox than a
hedgehog: it might have been good enough for an evidently much beloved US
President of recent decades to know one big thing rather than many things, but
it is not enough for this job, which requires an ability to absorb, retain, and
mentally organise a huge amount of information across a very broad front.
It also means an ability to see patterns and shapes in that data flow, and to
be able to see opportunities as they arise. The Secretary-General doesn’t
necessarily have to generate good ideas, but it is critical that he or she be
able to recognize them. And one has to know enough about people and their
foibles to have a chance of making the right personnel choices.
5.2 Information
It’s no use being
able to process information if you don’t have it. The Secretary-General, like
anyone else in high office, is bombarded daily with a barrage of what passes
for information: press reports, advisers’ reports and briefs, panel reports,
governments’ blandishments, lobbyists’ appeals. But it is not always the
information he or she most needs, and for all the quality of the people in the
Departments of Political Affairs (DPA) and Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) and
elsewhere within the present Secretariat, the Secretary-General is notoriously
under-resourced in-house for the kind of really detailed analysis of situations
and possible strategies that is a crucial element in effective conflict
prevention and resolution. Although there has been some catch-up, and there may
be some more with the creation of the Peacebuilding Support Unit, we are all
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familiar with the sad history of the Brahimi Panel’s
recommendation for the creation of an Information and Strategic Analysis
Secretariat (EISAS).
An effective Secretary-General has to escape from time to time from the
comfortable insulation of the United Nations and reach out for the kind of
information he or she really needs. To combine my point with some shameless
self-advertisement: a Secretary-General who shall remain nameless told me once
that one of the things he liked about International Crisis Group reports is
that he knew he was hearing in them, among other things, the real voices of his
own people on the ground, giving the unvarnished reality about troubled
situations, and the performance of the United Nations and others in responding
to them — not the very often bowdlerized, gutted, and filleted version of that
reality that makes its way up the system after everything that might cause
offence to host governments, member states, and officials higher up the
organizational food chain have been edited out.
5.3 Thinking Time
Having information,
and the practical intelligence to process it, are not much help if a
Secretary-General never has time to properly think the issues through. This is
an occupational problem for everyone in high office, but it is particularly
acute for someone who has 191 heads of state and foreign ministers, just for a
start, who feel they have an absolute right to waste his or her time whenever
they feel like it.
One solution, much easier to say than apply — given the number of people who
want to kiss the secular-papal ring for extended periods at any given time — is
to limit appointments to a few hours a day and relentlessly apply the 15 minute
rule to all of them. In my own long experience of these meetings there is never
much more than one or two substantive things that need to be said on either
side, and the rest is padding and politesse. No doubt a good deal of time could
also be saved in not spending hours listening to set piece speeches, in the
Security Council and elsewhere, that could much more quickly be read if they are
worth absorbing at all.
But of course to follow any of these prescriptions too enthusiastically would
be to quickly acquire a Boutros-Ghali-like reputation for aloofness or
arrogance, or for machine-like inhumanity. Gossip and schmoozing, and
time-wasting in formal public sessions and events, is what makes the political
world go round: the Secretary-General is part of that world whether he or she
like it or not, and ignores the conventions at his or her peril. So the problem
of thinking time will continue. More time at home in the bath may be the only
answer.
5.4 Friends
Teresa Whitfield’s
chapter systematically explains the role of groups of ‘friends’ in cutting
through some of the institutional constraints that stand in the way of effective
conflict prevention and management, and post-conflict peace building.
Notwithstanding all the limitations and qualifications she mentions, there is
no doubt that this can be a real force-multiplier for the Secretary-General in
exercising his or her problem-solving influence.
The point about friends has a more immediate and personal application. Harry S.
Truman, US President at the time of the establishment of the United Nations,
famously said that “If you want a friend in Washington, get a dog.” The
Secretary-General is in the politics business whether he likes it or not. And
in international politics, perhaps even more than in the domestic variety,
friendship with the key political players
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is a pretty transient issue-by-issue
business — at least if you’re doing your job properly and calling every issue
on its merits.
But anyone in high office does need people around, in his or her private office
and wider professional and personal environment, who can give not only
efficient technical and professional support, but a significant degree of
emotional support: the essential loneliness of these offices is not just a
cliché. Non-oleaginous expressions of encouragement when you have performed
well or done the right thing are important to even the most apparently
nerveless characters; and even more so are the words of quiet consolation when,
as tends to happen more often, you have screwed something up.
The trick is to have people around you in your immediate personal sphere, and
your private office in particular, who can play that supportive role without at
the same time insulating you from reality: blind loyalty can be a
terrible liability. The most useful staffer I ever had as a Minister — and she
stayed until just about the end of my term to tell the tale — was the assistant
who took it upon herself to whisper in my ear on those numerous occasions when
I was about to do something, let us say, over-adventurous: “Remember Caesar
that thou art mortal”. Every Secretary-General should have one.
5.5 Moral Courage
Where personal
support becomes most important is when one goes right out on a limb, saying or
doing what is absolutely the right thing, because it’s the right thing,
but knowing that you will generate a firestorm in the process. The really
first-rate Secretaries-General are those who have been prepared to put
themselves and their reputations absolutely on the line in this respect: moral
authority doesn’t come from preaching bland nostrums that will offend no one,
but from taking real risks.
The most recent Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, gave some outstanding examples
of just this kind of moral courage. I’m thinking in particular of his General
Assembly speech in 1999 challenging not only the whole international community
to confront the challenge of genocide, atrocity crimes, and humanitarian
intervention, but the developing countries in particular to recognize that
their sovereignty was not absolute in this respect; and then later-on, to
spread the outrage even-handedly, his clear-eyed statement (albeit first
uttered somewhat accidentally) that the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 was illegal
as a matter of international law, and his determination to open up the issue of
Security Council permanent membership, knowing the chances of change were
slight, and that this was absolutely no way to win the affection of any member
of the permanent members.
That’s moral courage on the high-ground issues, but there is plenty of scope
for courage on more common peace and security issues. Despite Thomas Franck’s
encouragement in his chapter, there may not be all that much hope for a
Secretary-General saying an outright “no” when member states seem determined to
follow some unpalatable or undeliverable course, but there is certainly scope
for push-back, rather than timid reflex acquiescence; the best
Secretaries-General have always been willing and able to do that.
5.6 Resilience
In any high office of the kind we are
talking about things are bound to often go wrong. We’re all familiar with
Murphy’s Law, but I’ve always been most moved by what is known in the Antipodes
as O’Toole’s Corollary: “If you’re feeling good, don’t worry: you’ll get over
it.” Of all the characteristics that enable one to survive, and continue to
perform effectively in high office for years on end, I think the critical one
is resilience: the ability to bounce back from these situations — not
mindlessly and empty-headedly, learning nothing from the experience and having
every prospect of repeating it, but in a way that enables you to move on
constructively.
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Another way of putting this is to say that you have to have
a thick skin, but that’s a little crude. Another is to say that you should have
a sense of humour, including a real capacity to laugh at yourself. But a sense of
humour can actually be quite dangerous in any political context: my conclusion
after witnessing government and politics in Australia for 21 years was that the
secret of ministerial success was to be a dead bore, and I suspect that is
something that crosses cultures.
The real point I’m making is that if you want a Secretary-General to be
effective in all the high-risk activity that is part and parcel of the
discharge of his or her peace and security role in particular, it is best to
choose someone who really has been tempered in the rough and tumble of public
life, and knows how to take the falls without going to pieces or retreating
totally into an impotent shell thereafter. And if your choice doesn’t have that
kind of background — and it is worth remembering that very good, and
courageous, Secretaries-General like Dag Hammarskjöld and Annan came from
fairly sheltered bureaucratic careers — at least try and make the judgment they
will be capable of that kind of resilience.
5.7 A Single Seven-Year Term
The final ingredient in my wish-list
echoes a theme already raised by others: what a Secretary-General needs to be
effective in peace and security issues, as elsewhere, is a single seven-year
term. Although some would argue that this is exaggerated, in my view the
stresses and tensions and pressures that are associated with a reappointment
process — particularly after Boutros Boutros-Ghali’s experience showed that
there is nothing automatic about it — are just not conducive to the kind of
consistent, clear-sighted, courageous leadership that a Secretary-General needs
to be able to show. The pressures on the office, and the office-holder, from
multiple directions are likely to be enough to ensure that a Secretary-General
freed from the anxiety of reappointment will not be a loose cannon. Those
pressures of course are what have worked to constrain past Secretaries-General
in second and final terms from going completely off the rails. (And the reality
of that second term discipline now is the answer to those who say a single term
limit means no discipline at all.)
In a world where a rule-based international order is constantly at risk, the
virtues of cooperative internationalism have to be constantly asserted and the
effectiveness of multilateralism needs to be constantly demonstrated, the real
worry is not that a Secretary-General will be too loose a cannon, but that he
or she will too uptight a one to play the strong leadership role that is
needed from this great office.[27]
6.
EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER: POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC
The cold war
came to an end in later 1991 with the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The
unification of germany in Europe, the breaking up and subsequent chaos in the
Balkans and east African states, formation of economic blocs like APEC, NAFTA,
and the European Union have all been pointers to a unipolar world where the
United States is the sole superpower on the scene. The political ideological
identification with one power bloc or the other has been replaced by gravitating
towards a new global economic order, stressing the inter-dependence of nations
on one another. It received a shot in the arm with signing of the new GATT
Treaty at Marrakesh on April 15,1994 by 125 nations, including india.
While political integration may yet take a
long time to materialize with the ongoing civil war in many countries like
Yugosalvia, Afghanistan, Yemen, Rwanda and several other nations, a new global
economic order may be feasible in the near future. The economic compulsions, even
for industrials giants like the
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United
states, japan, and other G-7 members, may soon compel them to work towards an
economic integration of the world while the United States calls the shots in
the political arena, including the running of the United Nations through proxy.
Trying to evolve an economic mechanism
to integrate the world has been the major concern of GATT over the years. Now
that it has been replaced by the world trade organisation, a new economic
global order may soon become a reality. The only caution to be adopted would be
that the poor, developing countries do not suffer and are not discriminated
against by the rich, developed countries. If tariffs are to be lowered and
trade barriers eliminated it must be done at all levels and for all countries.
The concept of granting the most favoured nation status to one country is rank
discrimination. Nor should a particular country, the united state has been
doing of late, lay down its own trade laws and make others toe its line of
action or thoughts in trade matters. The application of super 301 by the United
States hangs like the proverbial sword of damocles. This must stop if a new economic
global order is to be emerge in the next decade or so.
In the political sphere also, the NATO
Partnership for peace programme, initiated by the USA, has been widely
welcomed. If the United States means well, it must elicit the cooperation of its
former adversaries like Russia and east European nations towards making this
programme a success. It is heartening to note that nations like Hungary and
Russia have joined it.
If a political integration is to be
achieved, the highly discriminatory nuclear non-proliferation treaty must also
be revised to treat all nuclear-weapons states equally. The very fact that it
is discriminatory has prevented india and several other nations from signing
it. And no amount of pressure or arm-twisting has yielded any results so far.
The strategic war initiative or star wars, launched by the United States, has
failed. It should realize that the world now wants peace and work towards this
goal if a new political order is to evolve in times to come. But it will have
to follow-and not precede- the economic global order. Both political and
economic integration cannot come about simultaneously.
In the context of global scenario, the
leaders of developing countries like india should not remain peeny-wise and pound-foolish
in national and global politics. Rather it should engage in foregoing the
closer interaction among the developing countries to set about the struggle in
this global rat race competition. The G-15 countries should work in bringing
better adherence and closer cooperation of the third world for restricting the
UN security Council and other world bodies to reflect the changed scenario of
the world.
7. One
World
The present
generation lives under the international system based on the belief in the world
unity, which will eventually enable the world to organize its affairs from the
viewpoint of international peace. This is an important achievement of the
twentieth century. The United Nations is endeavouring to prove this fact. This,
however, does not mean, that political world unity already exists or that we
can have anything like
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world
government either immediately or in the near future. It, however does not mean
that 185 nations subscribe to the principles enshrined in the united nations’
Charter which stipulates that all international problems must be dealt with
peacefully through a common organization. These nations have in writing, if not in spirit, renounced war and
aggression. Vahue outlines of a possible world system have thus been dimly laid
down. The United Nations, which is a symbol of this world system, is an
institution which works splendidly to make the world system a success and to
keep on improving upon it to the ultimate goal of world unity.
The idea of one world is not new in the
history. At least two conceptions of it have emerged from time to time. One is
primarily religious. The belief that men are spiritual children of one god,
destined in time to unite in a single fellowship under a common and generally
accepted system of morals and values, was the driving force behind different
religious movements-like Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism, islam, or Christianity. The second concept was secular,
that of world empire. Many races and conquerors aspired to achieve it. The remarkable fact about the twentieth
century is that in our times the assumption of division of the world among
different nations is universally accepted. But it is held that this should
someday be ended and an area of unity is not an impossible dream. But now men
are increasingly inclined to the view that unless the dream of one world
reaches a measure of fulfillment, there can be no viable basis of human life.
There have been suggestions, although with different contents, of world
confederation during this century. The forces compelling a growing degree of
world unity are irresistible and they are moving with cataractal speeds.
Governments may resist these forces for a time but, in doing so, they risk
disruption or rather world’s ultimate annihilation.
The most easily understandable force is
the sheer shrinkage of the earth, notin diameter, but by the speed of jet
planes with which human beings move about now-a-days. Communications have been
improved very fast .Men can , if they wish, communicate from anywhere to
anywhere within a matter of seconds .photographs of events in new delhi are
telegraphrd at once to newspapers in the United states and other counteirs
beyond the seven seas. The radio stations of most national capitals pour forth
a steady steam of broadcasts beamed to the people of all countries. all people
, save the most primitive, livemore or less in the presence o0f each other and
with a modicum of knowledge about each other .This knowledge is all too littleans frequently not good .
yet it is there. Ideas move equally fast. modern man’s capacity to give and
distribute information is now unlimited.
Another
force, and the most effective, arises out of the sudden use of scientific
knowledge. This has set in motion a whole wave of cognate currents. Perhaps the
first of these currents was medical, the discovery that the spread of
communicable diseases might be checked. Nations word together as germs and
viruses are not deterred by fronties. Fundamental medical principles are
universal.
They take
little notice of races and religions and they have almost nothing to do with
politics, nationalities or flags. Doctors talk more or less the same language
the world over. They put an end to yellow fever and
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smallpox
during the nineteenth century, brought pneumonia under control and conquered
malaria. Recent achievements, including the transplantation of heart, kidney or
other parts of human body, are matters of universal knowledge, demanding
universal co-operation.
Science in
other fields is also rapidly developing. Astronomy, mathematics, biology and
other sciences are similar in all countries. When their principles are applied,
it is generally felt that their application requires cooperation by many
nations. Transmission of electrical impulses by radio, for example, giving rise
to radio communications was rapidly expanded in second and third decades of
this century. Thus, in 1927, rules were made for distribution of wavelengths,
so that air could be used to mutual advantage without its becoming a vast
confusion. Cairo convention assigned frequencies to various countries. Today
telecommunication union is there as part of the United Nations.
The United Nations also has other branches of
international cooperation in different fields. UNESCO is designed to spread
education and improve educational standards ; the World Health Organisation is
designed to combate diseases on a world wide scale; the Food and Agriculture
Organization deals with production and distribution of food in and to areas
were hunger is a problem. The International Labour Organisation is designed to
improve the condition of labour, provisions of adequate living wages,
protection of workers against diseases and injury throughout the world. Thus
gradually a set of international agencies dealing with problems of
international nature has come into existence. Some of these can make worldwide
decisions, though they may have no final authority. They can do this, because
there are in some measure self-enforced.
While the United Nations works within
limitations, it does play an effective role in taking steps toward the world
unity. Its Security Council is the standing committee of the five great powers,
although now it has ten more countries on it, elected every two years. The
General Assembly comprises an annual meeting of representatives of all the 185
nations, presently members of U.N.O. It is a sort of world annual congress and
the decisions are taken by vote. In theory a vote of the General Assembly
expresses the world opinion or rights or wrongs of any situations threatening a
breach of the peace and of measures to be taken to restore peace or forestall
possible wars.
The prospect of rapproachment on major
international issue between Great Powers greatly augments the purpose of world
unity or ultimate world government. Already, for the first time in history nations,
great and small, have convinced themselves against the possibility of military
victories of previous ages. The omnidestructibility of any future war is an
effective deterrent against its outbreak. At the most, the world can be held to
a serious of “little” or “limited” wars which will not spread. To risk any
bigger war means to risk extension of human race. To maintain life means to
move towards a system of global peace and order. To achieve this, there has
been a slow and steady, though disorderly and unsatisfactory, but nevertheless
viable progress towards the creation of a world order.
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In this atomic era, war has become useless
as an instrument of resolving differences between nations, because atom bomb
has obliterated the formerly valid distinction between the combatants and non-
combatants,
front and the rear, victor and the vanquished. As the fear of war rows and man
realizes the urgency of a stable peace co-existence and shed their
nationalistic jealousy, fear and aspirations to a great extent. Once this
begins, the dream of a ‘World State’ will cease to be a dream and become
reality.
8. SOLUTIONS OF CHALLENGES
The world we inhabit
today is one of promise and of peril. The promise lies in the spread of liberty
and democracy, free markets and trade, and the march of technology and of
modern medicine. The peril made itself all too clear a few miles from here on
that tragic September day just twenty-five months ago. For the United Nations
to contribute to this promise, as we want it to, it also has to grapple with
the peril. In a speech a few years ago at the opening of the 58th United
Nations General Assembly, Secretary-General Kofi Annan tried to do just that.
He acknowledged that the world did indeed change on September 11th. He said:
"there are new threats that must be faced – or perhaps old threats in new
and dangerous combinations: new forms of terrorism and the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction."
Last week we took another step forward
in this effort. We gained unanimous support for Security Council Resolution
1511, which summons the international community to help Iraqis rebuild their
country and construct a free society after decades of dictatorship.The
resolution not only expands the UN role in Iraq, commensurate with its
expertise and capacity. It also offers a path for the full exercise of
sovereignty by the Iraqi people – one of America's central goals. And the
resolution calls on UN members to contribute troops and financial assistance to
enhance security and reconstruction efforts in Iraq.
We hope and expect
that every nation that voted for this resolution will support its
implementation in the coming months, in word and indeed.
Resolution 1511 was successful because
members of the Security Council listened and compromised with one another. We
will always listen to the views of others. We believe that dialogue can lead to
mutually beneficial outcomes. That is the essence of multilateral diplomacy.
But, surely others should not be surprised if we present our positions as
strongly as they do theirs. This give-and-take is the necessary ingredient of
all multilateral negotiations.
We think the place to begin is with
principles. Get them right and the reform will improve the institution. Ignore
them, and reform will merely be change for the sake of change.
The first principle guiding any UN
reform should be responsibility. Since September 11th, we have urged every
country to consider the world's future should terrorism and proliferation
continue unabated. We have appealed to every nation to fulfill its inherent
responsibility, as a member of the international community, to help stop these
global dangers.
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The second principle that should guide UN reform is
accountability. This applies to the long-standing discussion on changing the
Security Council's composition. The differences among countries as to who
should get or lose a seat are as fierce as they are varied.
A third principle guiding reform should
be effectiveness. The president of the General Assembly, Julian Hunte, has
called for streamlining its agenda, and we agree. The General Assembly and
ECOSOC, the
Economic and Social Council, sit over a
maze of committees, agencies, conferences, programs, and commissions. The
system needs consolidation and rationalization.
ECOSOC, whose programs account for more
than two-thirds of UN expenditures, needs rethinking, as the Secretary-General
has suggested. With fifty-four members, the body is too big to effectively
direct all the activities under its mandate, yet too small to represent all of
the UN's members. An effective UN must spend the hard-earned contributions of
its members wisely. This brings me to the fourth principle of UN reform:
stewardship of financial resources.
An effective UN must spend the
hard-earned contributions of its members wisely. This brings me to the fourth
principle of UN reform: stewardship of financial resources.
Stewardship requires that the intended
beneficiaries of UN programs, in fact, do benefit. It requires poorly
performing agencies to improve or close -- freeing up resources better spent
elsewhere to help those in need around the world. The Secretary-General has
proposed shutting down roughly nine hundred out of some twenty thousand outputs
and activities. Surely many more are merited.
The fifth principle guiding reform
should be modernization. Nations in the UN caucus by region. As the European
Union expands and tries further to integrate its foreign policy into a single
voice, the composition of the Western European and Other States Group (WEOG)
and the Eastern European Group may be increasingly questioned, with some of the
EU's future 25 members in both groups.
The sixth principle of UN reform is
credibility. Every right to participate in and to lead a UN body involves, at a
minimum, one of responsibility: to live up to the most elementary standards of
decency embodied in the UN Charter.
This brings me to the seventh and,
perhaps, most important principle that should shape UN reform: freedom.
Advancing freedom should infuse everything the UN does, for liberty is
essential to every significant human endeavor --whether it is helping ordinary
men and women achieve dignity, lifting whole societies out of poverty, creating
the life-saving technologies that will reduce disease and hunger, or creating
the foundation for domestic and international peace.
UN programs and actions should be well
calculated to help individuals secure their political and civil rights. UNESCO,
the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, for
example, has moved from being hostile to a free press to supporting it.
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UN programs and activities should also
promote the Monterrey Consensus -- building-up the rule of law while giving
people everywhere the benefits of economic freedom and good governance.
UNCTAD, the United
Nations Conference on Trade and Development, and UNDP, the United Nations
Development Program, have been shifting away from defending failed statist
economic policies to promoting economic liberalization and the rule of law.
Another idea whose time has arrived is
the establishment of a democracy caucus. No two democracies are alike, but they
often have more in common than with their neighbors. Democratic countries could
consult and combine their energies to advance freedom around the world. They
could begin the long process of rescuing the Commission on Human Rights from
its decline so that, one day, it helps the millions of victims of oppression who
look to it for hope.
The UN Charter calls for a system that
would promote human rights, economic progress, individual health, and world
peace – the last, most importantly, coming from nations standing firm on
principle and joining together to deal with threats before they become
ruinous.Fear of reform, not its prospect, holds the greater risk for the United
Nations. Reform will not be simple. But the effort will be worth it.[28]
9. Conclusion
However, there are certain elements which are within his reach
and on which success greatly depends. They comprise physical and mental
abilities. The body must be fit to carry out fully what a man plans. Often
well-planned schemes have failed on account of physical unfitness. Life is a
bitter struggle and those who are physically weak cannot fight it. Intelligence
is another quality which is essentially required for success. Mere physical
strength without intelligence cannot carry a man very far. The next thing is
mental fitness. This includes many virtues. First, he has a clear vision. This
will enable him to hold before our mind, aim or purpose which he have capacity
to realize. The life of divided aims exhausts his energy and tires him. He goes
on from one scheme to another having faith in none and achieve nothing. Modern
world is full of such failures. Steadiness and perseverance is another essence
quality for success. Perseverance teaches him to be patient and plodding. In
the world of nature as well as in the world of man, things grow by degree. Here
progress is slow and steady. This is so because world is full of obstacles and
these have to be overcome to reach the goal. There is no royal road to success.
To fight with these impediments, patience and fortitude are required. He must
go on with his work without haste, but this is possible if he can hold his soul
in patience and proceed steadily and firmly keeping his goal in view.
But clarity of vision and perseverance
depend ultimately upon our character, which is the pivot on which the whole
life turns. If character is not formed or where it is half-formed, men act by
fits and starts, but never steadily. He must have faith in his work, faith in
his ability and control over his senses and faculties in order to work
steadily. Right willing depends upon right thinking and right thinking upon
right conduct. This is why character has been spoken of as crown and glory of
life.
It is the possession of
greater or lesser degree of intelligence that decides who will lead and who are
able to led. The world is a place where the survival of the fittest is the law
and fitness means as much physical fitness as mental alterness or intelligence.
No doubt, there are other elements like honesty, truthfulness and presence of
mind,
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but
they are often to be found in a man of character. If he keep his body fit, his
aim unclouded, if he possess perseverance, intelligence and character, he makes
his post a success by acrossing all the multiple and pressing challenges that
United Nation faces today.
REFERENCE
[5].Jump up ^
"Charter of the United Nations: Chapter
II". United Nations.
Retrieved 21 November 2013.
[8].Jump up ^
See Simon Chesterman (ed), Secretary or General? The UN Secretary-General
in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2007).
[10].Jump up ^
Teltsch, Kathleen. "Town House Offered to UN", New York Times, 15 July 1972. Accessed 27 December 2007
[12].Jump up ^
Stout, David (26 October 1996). "Lord Gladwyn Is Dead at 96; Briton Helped
Found the UN". New York Times. Retrieved 31 October 2008.
[14].^ Jump up to: a b c d e f "An Historical Overview on the Selection of
United Nations Secretaries-General" (PDF). UNA-USA. Archived from the original (PDF) on 25 October 2007. Retrieved 30 September 2007.
[16].Jump up ^
Linnér, S. (2007). Dag Hammarskjöld and the Congo crisis, 1960–61. Page 28. Uppsala University. (22 July 2008).
32nd Eisaku Sato Essay Contest Page
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[22].Jump up ^
"Kofi Annan of Ghana recommended by Security
Council for appointment as Secretary-General of United Nations" (Press release). United Nations. 13 December 1996. Retrieved 12 December 2006.
[24].Jump up ^
"General Assembly appoints Kofi Annan of
Ghana as seventh Secretary-General" (Press release). United Nations. 17 December 1996. Retrieved 12 December 2006.
[25].Jump up ^
"Ban Ki-moon is sworn in as next
Secretary-General of the United Nations". United Nations.
[28]. Refer from Author: Kim R.
Holmes, October 21, 2003{ Council on Foreign Relations}
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Kennedy, Paul (2007) [2006]. The Parliament of Man:
The Past, Present, and Future of the United Nations.
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